In addressing a discussion of how bible scholarship (in
particular New Testament) has understood text, it is necessary to open by
identifying issues that have made the field more complicated than it needed to
be: the first issue is the separation of
“classical” (i.e. Greco-Roman) history, and “religious” (Christian or Jewish) history. The second is the issue of the progression of
history from the ancient world to the contemporary one, and how that
progression contributed to the divide in the two disciplines.
Scholars of “classical” (Greco-Roman) history do not address
the matter of “religious” history because “religious” history deals with issues
of doctrine and dogma which are secondary to social/political developments of
the period. Scholars of “religious”
history do not address matters of
“classical” history because “classical” history is secular, and
therefore deals with problems of pagans who were, by definition, uncivilized
and not worthy of meriting attention.
The trajectory of the development of history means that in
order to claim “true” inheritance of tradition, both Christian and Jewish
histories have had to distance themselves from their early origins, because
those origins were inconsistent with the religious structures and doctrines
that evolved as the result of and response to socio-political events.
By the Renaissance, those doctrines, both Christian and
Jewish, were sufficiently encultured in the socio-political framework that when
Greco-Roman history and philosophy were rediscovered and reclaimed, an
explanation had to be constructed whereby the separation between the ancient
past and the present could be bridged in such as way as to reassure “civilized”
people that their predecessors were also “civilized” and not pagan barbarians,
while not destabilizing the socio-political contructs that evolved, which would
result in the delegitimization of the contemporary world.
To this end, Renaissance scholars determined that
Greco-Romans did not “really” believe in a plurality of gods, that philosophy
was dominant structure of the Greco-Roman world, and that the excesses of the
Roman Empire were an aberration that was rectified by the benevolent appearance
of the Church (this, obviously, was the Christian, not the Jewish, construction
of the trajectory of history from the ancient world to the Renaissance). Post Reformation, that model was revised to
retroject a Protestant framework onto the early Christian Church, so that the
early Church was “really” Protestant, was subsumed by the “yoke of Rome” and
then realizing the error inherent in that, blissfully rejected that yoke and
reasserted its “true” form to recover its rightful place as the heir of both
Jewish text and early Christianity.
Because the dominant model, the model that was accepted by
the “civilized” world, was the model that was acceptable to the Church, that
model has held sway into present scholarship of the ancient “religious”
world: at best, contemporary scholars retroject
modern presumptions of ancient beliefs (like the presumption that the ancients
did not “really” believe in a plurality of gods), or project their greatest
“barbarian” dramas onto that world, in the belief that the ancient world was
corrupt and that only Church provided the ancients with redemption from their
putative sins (from which, of course, good early Christians were exempt).
Needless to say, both models have their flaws. This is not an examination of those
flaws. It is an examination of certain
texts, and a cross-referencing of those texts against other relevant texts to
determine what the texts in question might actually be referring to. Because it is certain that a lot of the
actual import of the texts has been corrupted due to the retrojection/projectionist
tendencies of scholars who have evaluated them.
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